Why Proportional Representation is a Feminist Issue

By Kathryn Lum, a gender equality trainer, lecturer, researcher and writer. 

Have you ever voted in a national election and felt that your vote was ‘wasted’, as your constituency is dominated by a single party that does not represent you? Have you ever voted for a party simply because the alternative was even worse, or because your preferred party would have no hope of being elected in your area? If so, you are not alone. Across the UK, voters are regularly denied the chance for their vote to truly count or are forced to engage in tactical voting, due to our electoral system, known as first past the post. In this system, an MP only has to win a plurality, not a majority, of votes in their constituency in order to gain a seat in Parliament. In first past the post, results are not proportional to the popular vote as in proportional representation electoral systems. A party can win well under half of the popular vote and yet gain a majority of seats in Parliament. This happened in the 2015 general election, where the Conservatives won a majority with just 36.9% of the popular vote. First past the post can also greatly exaggerate a party´s regional importance. The SNP won half of the Scottish vote yet 95% of Scottish seats. The same pattern of non-representativeness is repeated at the local level: in 2015, 331 MPs (slightly over half of the total), were elected with less than 50% of vote share and one MP was returned with just 24.5% in South Belfast. In 19 of the last 20 general elections, parties to the left of the Conservatives have won the popular vote, yet the Tories gained parliamentary majorities two thirds of the time. Under first past the post, long-established or geographically based parties are advantaged, whereas parties such as the Greens and the Women's Equality Party are punished, as their vote tends to be UK-wide rather than concentrated locally. First past the post tends to result in and privilege electorally two major parties, marginalising other voices and smaller parties. First past the post is therefore profoundly democratically deficient. 

The harmful, non-democratic effects of first past the post extends to women's political participation. Multiple studies have shown that women tend to fare better in countries with party list proportional representation (PR) electoral systems. Across the globe, almost twice as many women get elected to national parliaments under PR party lists as opposed to first past the post. The main reason for this is that PR electoral systems generally use multi-member constituencies, which can favour higher numbers of women, as parties run more than one candidate per district. Under first past the post, all constituencies are single members, so parties can be more likely to play it safe when selecting candidates they feel are the most winnable. 

New Zealand is a good example of the impact that electoral reform can have. New Zealand held two referendums on electoral reform. In 1992, in a non-binding referendum, 85% of voters backed electoral reform, with nearly 70% of voters preferring a MMP (Mixed Member Proportional) electoral system. In 1993, this time in a binding referendum with a much larger turnout (85%), 54% of New Zealanders chose to abandon first past the post in favour of MMP. MMP is a mixed electoral system, combining aspects of both first past the post and proportional representation. Each citizen gets two votes: a party vote and an electorate vote. The electorate vote determines who represents you locally, and the winner takes all principle applies here (i.e. first past the post). The party vote is proportional- so if a party wins 30% of the popular vote, it will occupy roughly 30% of the seats in parliament. After all the electorate seats are tallied, the rest of the parliamentary seats are filled by party list MPs in accordance with their share of the national vote. A party is assured of representation in Parliament if it wins at least one electorate seat or a minimum of 5% of the national vote.  MMP thus combines local representation with a proportional system that faithfully reflects how people have actually voted. 

Since the introduction of MMP in 1996, New Zealand's parliament has become far more representative of both women and minorities. New Zealand's last general election in 2020 produced an almost gender-equal parliament: 48.3% of MPs are women, climbing from 21% under New Zealand's last first past the post election held in 1993. Ethnic and LGBT representation has also increased: in 1993 just 8 MP´s identified as Maori; in 2020, 25 MP´s did, making up 21% of MP´s. Pasifika representation has also increased (the Pasifika are indigenous peoples from the surrounding Pacific islands), and 11% of New Zealand´s MP´s now identify as LGBT. New Zealand´s 20-person cabinet is similarly diverse, with eight women, five Maori, three Pasifika, and three LGBT members. 

However, it is important to point out that proportional representation is by no means a magic bullet - on its own, it will not automatically or always boost female and minority representation. Gender quotas, combined with proportional representation, do the most to increase the presence of women. Much of New Zealand´s impressive diversity gains have been driven by the Labour and Green Parties, who have adopted voluntary gender quotas establishing 50% gender parity for their party caucuses. Both have met and indeed exceeded their 50% quota: the Labour Party caucus has 54% female representation, and the Green Party caucus is composed of 70% women. These two parties are also the main forces behind New Zealand´s increased ethnic minority and LGBT representation, along with the Maori Party. This is in marked contrast to the National Party (a centre-right party), which has just 30% female MPs, the lowest proportion of all New Zealand's political parties. 

An example closer to home of how a combination of proportional representation and gender quotas can achieve greater gender parity, is provided by Spain. Since emerging from a fascist dictatorship that made it one of the most regressive countries for women's rights in Europe, it now stands out as one of the most progressive and advanced. Spain has a closed party list proportional representation electoral system, which means that voters vote for the party of their choice in multi-member constituencies. Each party determines its list of candidates and their order beforehand; the percentage of the popular vote that a party gets is directly reflected in the number of seats it gets. In 2007, Spain passed a Gender Equality Law which mandates that women and men must represent a minimum of 40% and a maximum of 60% of a party's candidates, at all electoral levels- national, regional, and local. Spain's Equality Law is particularly strong, because in contrast to other gender quota laws, gender quotas must be applied to each group of five candidates, rather than the entire party list, which means that a party can place female candidates at the bottom of the list, and hence in unwinnable positions (some Spanish political parties go beyond this requirement by adopting the “zipper” method of alternating men and women on their lists). Party lists that do not meet the minimum 40/60 gender balance requirement are blocked from participating in elections, an effective sanction with teeth that ensures party compliance.  

Since the passage of this law, female representation in the Spanish Congress (lower house) has increased from 35.8% in 2005 (just before the Gender Equality Law was passed), to 47.4% in the last general elections in 2019, making Spain the most gender-equal parliament in Europe, surpassing even Sweden. Although the Gender Equality Law is not intersectional and does not address questions of ethnicity or sexual orientation, the last general elections saw improved representation of Gitano (Spanish Roma) and those with migrant backgrounds: there are now four Gitano representatives, two black MP´s of African origin and one MP of Brazilian origin. Six MP´s (out of 350), openly identify as LGBT, all from left of centre parties. The Gender Equality Law also failed to address the question of equality in who is placed at the head of party lists: across the board, it is men who are more likely to head party lists, including on the left. Despite this omission, a combination of proportional representation and a strong gender quota law have made Spain both a European and global leader in gender equality.

If you are frustrated and fed up with the UK´s current national electoral system and its inherent lack of democracy and fairness, you can find more information and resources online about PR in the UK from the following civil society organisations: Make Votes Matter; the Electoral Reform Society; Unlock Democracy; and Compass. You can also get involved in PR efforts through your union- Unison is the latest in a long list of unions to back proportional representation. If you are active in a political party, most British political parties have an internal group fighting for proportional representation (indeed some parties have already adopted PR as part of their election manifestos).  Ireland, Malta, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa and Cyprus are all examples of countries that used to have first past the post and have shifted to different forms of proportional representation. As we campaign to increase women's political participation, remember that how we vote, along with electoral quotas, are equally important for democracy and for ensuring greater equality and diversity. 

Would you like to contribute to this blog series? We’d love to hear from you. Send us your ideas and let’s chat: community@elect-her.org.uk